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3.04 缅华教师马维忠传奇

叶国治 · 中文原文 · 依据纸本逐页转录
Read the approved English translation ↓

在缅甸华侨的教师、作家当中,马维忠是一位有才华、有影响、有抱负的人物。

在缅华教育圈内、在缅华业余文坛里,像他这样受过高等教育,具有古典文学修养,善于运用文言文、白话文写作的人,有如凤毛麟角。

他在缅甸的时间不长,不长的八年期间,他自觉改造世界观,勇敢地投入海外爱国民主运动。他与时俱进,从一个国民党的县太爷,成为一名有影响力的民主人

士;一名华侨学子十分爱戴的开明进步教师。

一

马维忠,浙江海盐人。他的坎坷一生,具有戏剧性的传奇。

他从小立志“教育救国”,可是在残酷的现实中,他的理想屡屡幻灭。

他两次参加国民党,希望在安稳的环境中做些救民爱国的事,可是他并不过激的思想不受当局欢迎,他的步伐不能与当时保守而日趋败落的国民党步伐合拍。

在日寇侵华的危急关头,他也想奋起抗日,却被“攘外必先安内”的统治者“缴了械”。

“八一三”事变之后,他从祖国的东海岸带着家小,流浪到最遥远的西南边陲。

他辞过校长、教师、当过记者,官至县太爷。他想用改良主义方式搞“教育救国”,却有着唐·吉诃德式的悲剧结局。他想在日益黑暗腐败的官场上树立新风气,却演出了具有讽刺性的“清官坐牢”的黑色幽默剧。

他策反县防卫队解放了车里,并在游击队担任民运组长,却被视为异己,只好带领家小,逃亡异域缅甸。

在缅甸,马维忠有着相对自由的空间,他如饥似渴地学习唯物主义、马列主义,提起笔来,向旧社会、旧势力战斗。

他决心跟着“中国共产党”走,把大儿子送回祖国读书。后来,又带着妻子和其他孩子回国,想为新中国贡献自己的力量。

然而,“四清”运动终使他的“为人民服务”心愿落空,他被怀疑、批斗、隔离。最后只好投入太湖边的西苕溪中去寻找知音——屈原。

二

马维忠诞生于政治风云激烈变幻的时代。满清覆亡、民国创建、军阀混乱、五四运动、北伐革命、中国共产党成立等等,一系列的社会动乱和变革,对他的思想影响很大。

他出生在一个自由职业兼小地主的家庭,父亲是个中医,有两间药铺。他们那个地区——海盐一带,是鱼米之乡,社会富足,按照他的说法,“就是讨饭的乞丐,也是有办法活下去的。”可是在国民党的统治下,苛捐杂税,洋货大量输入,粮农、蚕农破产。1934年,江南一场大旱,他父亲在各方面的债务逼迫下,忧郁成疾,一病不起,他的二弟也相继病殁,从此家道衰落。

马维忠1910年春出生后,在家乡海盐地区读完小学,到嘉兴完成初中学业。受到北伐革命的影响,他15岁就参加了国民党。可是,新思潮、新刊物的阅读和启发,使他对国民党的政策实施有了“异见”,在1927年蒋介石实行清党时,他被国民

党开除了。

第二年,马维忠到杭州读高中,他的文笔在同学中十分突出,受到国文老师刘子行的青睐,刘老师要他加入(重回)国民党,本已灰心的他,为了避免嫌疑,只好填表加入。

但是,他对党并不热心,他学到的进步思潮和国民党“格格不入”。一个正在成长而思想尚未定型的青少年,他的思想还处在不稳定阶段。

三

21岁那年,他考入上海国立暨南大学,师从郑振铎,专攻教育。1935年大学毕业,名列前茅,他被留校,在附中高中部教书。

初出茅庐,个子矮小,第一次上课就脸红心跳,看到年龄和他相仿的女生,站在讲台上,常让他忘记预先准备好的讲课内容。为了克服尴尬,他每天起早预讲,逐渐取得学生信任,消除了师生隔阂。

1937年“八一三”事变,日寇侵占上海,暨南大学迁入公共租界内上课。马维忠觉得在帝国主义卵翼下求生,不是滋味。于是,就到江西农村,去实现他的“教育救国”的理想。

他在江西农村改进社南昌万家埠实验区,担任区总务主任兼江苏农村建设人员养成所教务主任。业务繁,工作多,有些课目请不到教师,他都得去代理,白天上课,夜里改卷。

马维忠年轻热情,关心学生生活,所以受到学生的爱戴,但也因此遭到区负责人的忌妒。

实验区内原有步枪四百支,子弹四万多发,他借此武器发动群众,积极训练组织抗日游击队,准备打击入侵日寇。不料,省保安司令部熊式辉却借口扩充抗日武装,把所有步枪收缴了。

南昌工作不遂心意,又不能抗日,在同学杨玉生电邀下,马维忠前往滇西保山县教书,再次实验“教育救国”的理想。

在大学念书时,马维忠多次拜访陶行知,成为陶的私淑弟子。1938年夏,他到保山后,一边教书,一边以保山师范名义,商与地方政府,到小北门外北乡,创设教育实验区,仿效教育家陶行知的经验,实施乡村教育。

他穿上草鞋,带领师范学校的实习生去教书。师生们热情地挖地、种菜、烧饭、平整操场等,受到群众欢迎。半年后,入学儿童骤然增加,扩充到三校十二个班级,附近农民都要求他们去协助办学。他与保山县长商洽,把邻近北乡的几间小学接收过来。可是,当地的教育科长却很忌妒,从中破坏,好在他们已在群众中扎下根

基,工作仍然继续下去。

日寇占领东南亚,华侨学生纷纷逃难回国。国民政府要在保山成立华侨中学,马维忠便参与筹建。1940年5月,保山国立第一华侨中学成立,马维忠兼任该校教务。之前,他还协助缅甸华侨陈孝奇、陈变民兄弟等,筹办滇西华侨实业垦殖公司,出任交际主任。

1942年3月,日寇侵入滇西,马维忠离开保山,在昆明昆华师范当教务主任,并在昆华女师教书,指导学生在昆师附小实习。

同时,他又在夜间任《正义报》《民意日报》《扫荡报》等报馆的教育副刊编辑,还兼差市教育新闻记者。

四

在此时期,马维忠接触和认识了许多民主进步人士。如闻一多、楚图南等人。

但是他又错误地估计了形势,认为国民党“老了”,没有希望,而“三青团”吸收的都是青年,将来肯定是建设祖国的栋梁之才,因此,他参加了三青团,并被委任为三青团昆师分团筹备处临时干事会书记。

不过,他是“外省人”,思想又有些“偏左”,得不到重视和信任,马维忠一度陷入彷徨和失望。

1944年,马维忠为了争取机会,将自己改造社会的理想,在较大范围内实施,于是在云南省教育厅保荐下,参加了县长检定考试。虽然名列前茅,因无靠山,直至两年后才被派往车里(即今西双版纳傣族自治州景洪县)出任县长。

车里,人们认为是个难于治理的地方,地广人稀,百姓贫穷。马维忠则认为是自己搞“改良主义”的理想,实现改造社会的大好天地。

他上任后,推行一系列新政,包括修筑道路、兴办学校、建立医院、减免赋税等积极措施。人事方面,则起用土司头人参加县政府工作(西双版纳自治州首任州长召存信当年被他委为科长)。他颁令禁种鸦片,禁止吸毒,实行全县烟民登记,组建一支不吸毒的防卫队,与原警察局(局长带头,全局人员吸毒)相“制衡”。

这些积极改革措施,当然会损害那些“既得利益集团”的利益,斯时国民党的统治下是行不通的,所以马上任不久,即遭到控告和迫害。

1947年底,云南省政府派专员到车里视察,该专员抵达后,即向马维忠“索要”金子七两。

马说:“我一个穷县长,哪来那么多金子,我把各乡乡长找来开会,如果他们说有,就让他们直接交给你。”

该专员表面无可奈何,内心却生着闷气,回省后就向上级捏造马维忠“铲烟不

力”,并以对匪“防剿不力”的罪名,把马维忠撤职查办。

所谓的“匪”,就是那些穷苦的反抗政府的人民。马不主张用“剿”的办法,而是主张“安抚”教育,这当然会引起当权者的不满。

马去职后,新上任的县长也想在马维忠身上捞一把,他向马要银元三千,没有达到目的,就以“交代不清”的罪名抄家。翻箱倒柜的结果,只找出一百块银元,于是恼羞成怒,将马维忠关进大牢。

马的家属也被赶到偏房小屋居住,不可随意出县政府大门。

马以为只要为官清廉就行,哪晓得他这个清官干了不到两年,却坐了八个月的黑牢。

五

国民党统治下,官吏贪赃枉法,层层剥削,乡下老百姓苦不堪言,遂揭竿而起。

1948年前后,人民游击队风起云涌。马维忠因同情他们,被上级以“防剿不力”的罪名,撤职查办,关进大牢。在狱中,他动员县防卫队队长与云南边区自卫军第三支队接头,暗引他们渡过澜沧江(当地人称九龙江),车里和平解放了。

游击队解放了车里之后,马维忠恢复自由,并在该支队内担任民运组长。一个月后游击队来了党代表,队长鲁文聪被审查,马也投入大牢,戴上了木镣。后因游击队撤退——也可能是纠偏了,游击队的大牢只坐了两个月。

该年7月,马维忠闻北京已解放,想经泰国回老家去,没料到达缅甸大其力时,适值泰国“排华”,只好留在大其力华侨学校教书。

到了次年5月,马维忠在滇籍友人援助下,终于到达仰光,住在百尺路的江浙同乡会会馆的二楼,楼下是店铺。刚到仰光人地两疏,一家六口没工作,马维忠心情郁闷。某一天,他喝了两口酒,跑到楼下,不料竟与顾客吵起来。可能语言不通误会过份,人家叫来警察,把他送到警察局。他的太太找到陈孝奇,陈了解情况后,就把他保释出来,这是他第三次坐牢。

虽然马维忠命途多舛,进过三次牢房后,生活终于有了转机,在孝奇仙推荐下,他先后在挽华中西学校、华侨中学教书。

教书是马维忠的爱好,也是一生的“教育救国”梦想。在华文师资缺乏的海外,马维忠这个学有所长的高级知识分子,是不可多得的人才。

在过去,他把自己的理想付诸社会改革却未见成效,现在,在自由空气相对浓厚的异域,周围又是如许之多的民主进步人士,大家支持他、信任他,学生们喜欢他、爱戴他。从此,马维忠如鱼儿得水,开怀畅游,全力施展他的教育才华。头几年,他任华侨中学教务主任、教导主任,1955年任校务委员会主任。

1951年,由周采书、陈白涯诸先生介绍,他参加了中国民主同盟。

在华侨中学七年(1950年7月~1957年6月),他成绩卓显,这间缅华最高学府由茅屋建成西式楼房,人数由二百余人增至一千多人,诚可谓春风化雨桃李遍地。

1956年中国国庆前夕,马维忠准备回国观光,在办理往返手续时,遭到移民局刁难被驱逐出境。打官司无效之后,于1957年5月带领全家回国。他走后,对缅华教育是一大损失,校长李国华及萧维梅等同仁给他的信中,有如下评价:

“华中经你多年之协助策划,能有长足进展,从各方面来说,都显示着蓬蓬勃勃的气象,不停地向前迈进,给社会人士以良好的观感,这一切当然是全体师生共同努力的结果,但你的埋头苦干、心力交瘁的贡献实为最大,这是有目共睹的劳绩,为人们所津津乐道。”

六

马维忠的文学修养很深,写作能力也很强。他曾在昆明担任三个报刊的教育副刊编辑;旅仰期间,任《新仰光报》《生活周报》《中国日报》特约撰稿人,及《人民日报》副刊编辑。

他曾用秦伊、浙潮、楚歌等笔名,撰写稿件数百篇。但因生活波荡,经常遭遇动乱,很多作品分别在昆明、湖州散失,根据他子女的搜集整理,现仅发现50余篇。

马维忠的作品,形式多样。有教育论文、散文、杂文、诗词等。按内容大概分为:

教育理论,这是他的专长。有《中华人民共和国宪法是缅华文教工作者的鼓舞力量》《国庆日展望科学与教育》《五四运动与教育》《清代实用派教育思想》等。他根据教学实际,发现问题,写出了《华侨中学师生“三好”活动》《惩罚应注意什么?》《惩罚与民主精神》《学生逃学原因及预防》等。

他还提出了一些教学方法,帮助青年教师《怎样当班主任》《怎样引起学生的兴趣和注意》《我怎样辅导语文》《小学语文怎样教》等。

对于缅华教育,他还提出了许多宝贵建议。诸如:《论缅华教师联合会组织的健全》《缅华中心学校的中心问题是什么?》《为建立系统的缅华教师进修制度而努力》等等。

他的这些教育理论、教学经验、教学方法,在师资人才十分缺乏的缅华教育界,是非常适合、非常需要、非常有用的,对于弘扬中华文化,教育华侨后代,有着长远的影响。

他从小就热爱孙中山,喜欢鲁迅的作品,崇拜教育家陶行知,学习诗人屈原的

高贵品质,因此,他写有:《孙中山与中国共产党》《孙中山的耕者有其田》《我们敬爱的和平战士——宋庆龄》《从“铸剑”“理水”看鲁迅的思想发展》《五四运动与鲁迅》《鲁迅怎样当老师》《人民教育家陶行知》《怀念陶行知》《回忆闻一多》等。

通过人物评论,马维忠宣泄了他对旧社会的“憎恨”,对新社会的“热爱”,也透露出他的世界观的转变。

他也写一些游记见闻。如《滇南千里行》《思普地区见闻》《缅北边区纪事》《盘据缅北的国民党残匪》等。这些文章深刻地揭露了国民党统治下的腐败黑暗面,贪官污吏如何横行霸道,搜刮民脂民膏。这些文章一针见血,使反动派见了心惊胆颤,所以他的文友称赞他“如椽巨笔动风雷”。

他也写了一些赞扬中缅文化交流的文章,如《缅甸文化部剧团演出》《华侨中学运动会》《中国美术工艺展览会》等。《屈原》话剧演出、闽剧《炼印》演出、《梁山伯与祝英台》演出,他都写出观后感、散记、花絮等。

他更写出多篇研究中国边境少数民族历史、政治、婚姻、传说等方面的文章,如《摆(百)夷的历史传说、政治、婚制与婚礼》《傣勒兄弟民族的丧葬——对孔庙的信仰》《用人头祭谷子的卡瓦》《被孔明丢落的部队》《英帝国主义在卡瓦族的活动片断》《龙云派兵镇压少数民族》等等。

马维忠写的诗词发表的不多,我想大概是他教学繁忙,写论文较多,没有时间吟诗作对吧。但从他代华侨中学师生所写的祭文(参见本文附录),即可见他的古典诗词功力。

1951年6月6日,缅华爱国华侨领袖曾顺续先生遭到反动派暗杀身亡,马维忠以骈体文写祭文,这种骈体文讲究对偶,重视声韵,诗藻华丽,在缅华社会中,鲜有能写此者。骈体文一般人不容易读懂,更不说写了。所以,文友们称他“连年彩笔称南国”,他的“回归祖国,回归故乡”,大家都恋恋不舍,写下了许多欢送和怀念马维忠先生的诗词。

马维忠先生回到中国后,在浙江湖州师范工作,然而在“四清运动”中被怀疑、受审查。“因无人莫我知兮,又何怀乎故都?”1965年6月,他走上了一生崇敬而遥远的古代诗人屈原的道路,闻者莫不哀叹!

附录

代华侨中学师生起草祭拜曾顺续先生祭文

维 公元一九五一年六月九日,值曾公殉难之第四日,缅甸华侨中学全体师

生,谨以清酒时馐致祭于

曾董事长顺续之灵,曰:呜呼!曾公,少知自励,夙负英才。长事懋迁①共惊神算。负朱公②之奇策,披王氏之青箱③。民主其胸襟,迹近市廛④而不俗;爱国其德操,志在货殖而好仁。是以,兴学惟诚,少幼共沾其德泽;经商以义,远近咸赖其疏通。方期骏业日新,开财源于海外;爱国民主,立楷模于缅华。讵以凡事仗义执言,竟触匪特之忌,于公元一九五一年六月六日,被惨刺于回寓途中。弹中要害,光荣殉难。名光侨史,义重人寰。嗟嗟!谁无妻孥,谁无子女。弱妻夜泣,孤子谁抚。凶手未获,哀怨莫伸。固云哀矣,岂不痛哉!惟我曾公,缅华之雄。烈士志愿,异域立功。身遭暗算,为国效忠。拯斯民于迷路,挽侨教而昌隆。死后成仁,生前有功。英名遍传于宇宙;史册流芳于无穷。爱国侨领,有如此烈士精神,保证民主必胜;蒋帮匪特,用斯种流氓手段,证实驴技已穷。乃者,我缅甸华侨中学全体师生,追念忠义,共钦道范。时将安葬,恭祭忠魂;誓竟雄志,泉下安心。英灵不远,告慰必闻。所望魂归梓乡,领祖国之祭典。忠骸虽留异国,茔前即建墓碑;侨民借得拜扫,功德永矢莫忘。今我师生,全体拜祭,略陈不腆之仪,聊申丹忱之敬。英魂在望,来格来尝,呜呼,哀哉!尚飨。

缅甸仰光华侨中学全体师生同拜祭

原文载1951.6.13缅甸《新仰光报》

注:缅甸华侨领袖曾顺续先生,一向热心侨胞公益事业,曾任缅甸兴商总会理事长、华商商会副主席及“中正”中学董事长,1950年初,被选为仰光华侨中学董事长。新中国成立伊始,他力主采用民主、革命的新华版课本,摒弃旧版本。当时,缅华社会新旧两股势力斗争激烈。新旧课本之争,使“中正”中学一分为二,自愿使用新课本的学生占2/3,另行开课。曾公站在斗争前列,遂遭蒋帮特务杀害,壮烈牺牲。华侨中学全体师生热泪盈眶,与缅华爱国侨胞一起,为曾顺续烈士举行了悲壮的丧礼,丧礼上恭读的就是这篇祭文。祭文用词精练,惜墨如金。前段“少知自励,……”仅以百字,就将曾公的为人品德,处世哲学及政治立场一览无遗;中段,“谁无妻孥,……”32字,将亲属哀怨全面表露;继有“唯我曾公,……”87字,又见广大侨胞的义愤涌出纸面。祭文以浓缩的语言,道出了拜祭者的心情。朗读者声情并茂,荡人心魂;倾听者肠断心碎,热泪倾盆。

此祭文系原仰光华中教务主任马维忠所拟,曾在1951年6月13日的《新仰光报》上刊载。剪报已失,手稿也仅遗复印件,标题系抱朴子所加。为便于阅读,对祭文中罕见又不易理解的词组

① 懋迁:即经营之意。

② 朱公:越国范蠡,善于经商自号陶朱公。

③ 青箱:[南史]王彪之博学多识,缄之青箱,世谓之王氏青箱,学识渊博之意。

④ 市廛:即市场。

作了注释。

骈体要求词句整齐对偶,重视声韵的和谐与词藻之华丽。它盛于六朝,衰落于唐代,由于它行文拘束,走向空虚浮艳,时遭后代抨击,是故,近代骈文鲜有佳作,缅华社会更是罕见。此祭文形式上采用骈体,句式有四四对、四六对、四七对、五七对,参差变化,不使人觉得单调划一,更可贵的是,将34字的长联嵌入文中而难以察觉,这些句式的应用,达到流动变化而又音节整齐、和谐可诵的效果。在内容方面,祭文从赞颂烈士品德开篇,引出特务恶行,侨胞痛恨,悲恨之后,奏“誓竟雄志,共钦道范”;也就是说,青年师生决心化悲痛为力量,日后一定将胜利的消息,告慰于灵前。此祭文将思想性与艺术性巧妙结合,区区五佰余字,使古老的骈文与生动的现实结合起来,既可作爱国主义实例,又可引作缅甸华文学习之乡土教材。

APPROVED ENGLISH TRANSLATION

The Remarkable Life of Burmese Chinese Teacher Ma Weizhong

Ye Guozhi · English translation · Approved by the family

Among the teachers and writers of the overseas Chinese community in Burma, Ma Weizhong was a man of talent, influence, and ambition.

Within Burmese Chinese education and the amateur literary world, people like him—university educated, grounded in classical literature, and able to write both classical and vernacular Chinese—were exceedingly rare.

He did not spend long in Burma. Yet during those eight short years, he consciously remolded his worldview and courageously threw himself into the overseas patriotic democratic movement. Moving with the times, he changed from a Kuomintang county magistrate into an influential democratic figure and an enlightened, progressive teacher deeply loved by overseas Chinese students.

I

Ma Weizhong was a native of Haiyan, Zhejiang. His difficult life had the drama of a legend.

From childhood, he resolved to “save the nation through education,” but in cruel reality his ideals were frustrated again and again.

He joined the Kuomintang twice, hoping in a stable environment to do something to help the people and serve the country. But even his moderate ideas were not welcomed by the authorities, and his steps could not keep pace with the conservative and increasingly declining Kuomintang of the time.

When Japan’s invasion brought the nation into crisis, he too wanted to rise and resist, but the rulers who insisted that “internal pacification must precede resistance to foreign aggression” took away his weapons.

After the August 13 Incident, he left China’s eastern coast with his family and wandered all the way to the farthest southwestern frontier.

He resigned as principal and teacher, worked as a journalist, and rose as high as county magistrate. He wanted to practice “saving the nation through education” by reformist means, but met a Don Quixote-like tragic ending. He wanted to establish a new style of government within an increasingly dark and corrupt official world, but instead acted out the black comedy of “an honest official sent to prison.”

He persuaded the county defense force to defect and helped liberate Cheli, then served as head of civil affairs in a guerrilla unit. Yet he was treated as an outsider and eventually had to flee with his family into Burma.

In Burma, Ma Weizhong had relatively greater freedom. He eagerly studied materialism and Marxism-Leninism, picked up his pen, and fought against the old society and old forces.

He resolved to follow the “Chinese Communist Party.” He sent his eldest son back to the motherland to study. Later, he brought his wife and other children back as well, hoping to contribute his strength to New China.

Yet the Socialist Education Movement ultimately destroyed his wish to “serve the people.” He was suspected, criticized, struggled against, and isolated. In the end, he could only throw himself into the Xitiaoxi River by Lake Tai and go in search of his kindred spirit—Qu Yuan.

II

Ma Weizhong was born into an era of violent political change: the fall of the Qing dynasty, the founding of the Republic, warlord chaos, the May Fourth Movement, the Northern Expedition, the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, and more. This succession of upheavals and transformations deeply influenced his thinking.

He was born into a family combining a professional livelihood with the ownership of a small amount of land. His father was a traditional Chinese physician with two medicine shops. Their home region around Haiyan was fertile and prosperous. As he put it, “Even a beggar had a way to survive.” But under Kuomintang rule, heavy taxes and levies, together with large imports of foreign goods, bankrupted grain farmers and silk farmers. In 1934, a severe drought struck Jiangnan. Pressed by debts from every direction, his father became depressed, fell ill, and never recovered. His second younger brother also died soon after. From then on, the family declined.

Born in the spring of 1910, Ma Weizhong completed primary school in the Haiyan area and junior middle school in Jiaxing. Influenced by the Northern Expedition, he joined the Kuomintang at fifteen. But new ideas and new publications gradually led him to disagree with the party’s policies. During Chiang Kai-shek’s party purge in 1927, he was expelled.

The following year, he went to Hangzhou for senior middle school. His writing stood out among his classmates and won the appreciation of his Chinese teacher, Liu Zixing. Teacher Liu wanted him to join—or rejoin—the Kuomintang. Although already disillusioned, Ma filled out the form to avoid suspicion.

Even so, he was not enthusiastic about the party. The progressive ideas he had absorbed were “incompatible” with the Kuomintang. He was still a young man growing into adulthood, his thinking not yet fully formed and still unsettled.

III

At twenty-one, he entered National Jinan University in Shanghai, studied under Zheng Zhenduo, and specialized in education. He graduated near the top of his class in 1935 and was retained to teach in the senior division of the university’s affiliated middle school.

A newcomer to teaching and small in stature, he blushed and his heart raced during his first classes. Seeing female students not much younger than himself, he often stood at the lectern and forgot the lesson he had prepared. To overcome the embarrassment, he rose early every day and rehearsed his teaching in advance. Gradually he won the students’ trust and broke down the distance between teacher and pupil.

After the August 13 Incident of 1937, the Japanese occupied Shanghai and Jinan University moved its classes into the International Settlement. Ma Weizhong felt that living under the protection of imperialists was intolerable. So he went into rural Jiangxi to put his ideal of “saving the nation through education” into practice.

At the Wanjiafu Experimental District of the Jiangxi Rural Improvement Society near Nanchang, he served as director of general affairs and concurrently as academic director of the Jiangsu Rural Construction Personnel Training Institute. There was too much work and too few teachers. Whenever a course had no instructor, he taught it himself—teaching by day, grading papers at night.

Young, energetic, and concerned about his students’ lives, Ma won their affection, but for the same reason aroused the jealousy of the district leadership.

The experimental district possessed four hundred rifles and more than forty thousand rounds of ammunition. Ma used these weapons to mobilize the people and actively train an anti-Japanese guerrilla force in preparation for fighting the invaders. Unexpectedly, Xiong Shihui of the provincial security command used the pretext of expanding anti-Japanese forces to confiscate every rifle.

Unhappy in Nanchang and unable to fight Japan, Ma accepted an invitation from his classmate Yang Yusheng and went to teach in Baoshan County in western Yunnan, once again trying to realize his educational ideal.

While at university, Ma had visited Tao Xingzhi many times and became an informal disciple. In the summer of 1938, after reaching Baoshan, he taught while also working in the name of Baoshan Normal School with the local government to establish an educational experimental district in Beixiang outside the Little North Gate, modeled on Tao Xingzhi’s experience in rural education.

He put on straw sandals and led normal-school trainees out to teach. Teachers and students enthusiastically dug the earth, planted vegetables, cooked meals, and leveled the schoolyard, winning the welcome of local people. Within half a year, enrollment rose sharply and the program expanded to three schools with twelve classes. Farmers nearby asked them to help establish schools in their own areas. Ma negotiated with the Baoshan county magistrate and took over several primary schools near Beixiang. The local education chief was jealous and tried to obstruct them, but by then they had already put down roots among the people, and the work continued.

When Japan occupied Southeast Asia, overseas Chinese students fled back to China in large numbers. The National Government decided to establish an overseas Chinese middle school in Baoshan, and Ma took part in its preparation. In May 1940, National No. 1 Overseas Chinese Middle School in Baoshan was founded, with Ma concurrently serving in academic affairs. Before that, he had also helped the Burmese Chinese brothers Chen Xiaoqi and Chen Bianmin establish the Western Yunnan Overseas Chinese Industrial Reclamation Company and served as its public-relations director.

In March 1942, after the Japanese invaded western Yunnan, Ma left Baoshan and became academic director at Kunming Normal School while also teaching at Kunming Women’s Normal School and supervising student teaching at the affiliated primary school.

At night, he also edited education supplements for the Justice Daily, People’s Opinion Daily, and Sweep Away Daily, and worked part-time as an education-news reporter for the city.

IV

During this period, Ma came into contact with many democratic and progressive figures, including Wen Yiduo and Chu Tunan.

But he also misjudged the situation. He thought the Kuomintang was “old” and without hope, while the Three People’s Principles Youth Corps recruited young people who would surely become the future builders of the nation. He therefore joined the Youth Corps and was appointed secretary of the provisional executive committee of its Kunming Normal School branch preparatory office.

Yet he was an “outsider from another province,” and his thinking leaned somewhat to the left, so he received little attention or trust. For a time, Ma fell into uncertainty and disappointment.

In 1944, hoping for a chance to apply his social ideals on a larger scale, Ma took the qualifying examination for county magistrates on the recommendation of the Yunnan Provincial Department of Education. Although he ranked near the top, he had no patron. Only two years later was he finally sent to Cheli—today’s Jinghong County in Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture—to serve as county magistrate.

Cheli was considered difficult to govern: vast, sparsely populated, and poor. Ma, however, saw it as an ideal place to practice his reformism and transform society.

After taking office, he introduced a series of reforms: building roads, opening schools, establishing a hospital, reducing taxes, and more. In personnel matters, he brought local tusi leaders into county government. Zhao Cunxin, who later became the first governor of Xishuangbanna Autonomous Prefecture, was appointed by Ma as a section chief. Ma ordered a ban on opium cultivation and drug use, registered all smokers in the county, and organized a defense force whose members did not use opium, to “balance” the existing police bureau, where the chief himself and practically everyone under him smoked.

These reforms naturally harmed the interests of the “vested-interest groups.” Under Kuomintang rule at the time, such measures could not be tolerated. Not long after taking office, Ma was denounced and persecuted.

At the end of 1947, the Yunnan provincial government sent an inspector to Cheli. As soon as he arrived, the inspector “demanded” seven liang of gold from Ma.

Ma replied: “I’m a poor county magistrate. Where would I get that much gold? I’ll call the township heads together. If they say there is gold, let them hand it directly to you.”

The inspector could do nothing openly, but seethed inside. After returning to the provincial capital, he fabricated accusations that Ma had been “ineffective in suppressing opium” and “ineffective in suppressing bandits,” and had him removed from office and placed under investigation.

The so-called “bandits” were poor people rebelling against the government. Ma did not favor “suppression.” He favored pacification and education. Naturally this displeased those in power.

After Ma left office, the new county magistrate also wanted to extract something from him. He demanded three thousand silver dollars. When Ma refused, the new magistrate searched his home on the charge that his accounts were “unclear.” After turning everything upside down, they found only one hundred silver dollars. Furious and humiliated, the new magistrate threw Ma into prison.

Ma’s family was forced into a small side room and forbidden to leave the county government compound freely.

Ma had thought that being an honest official would be enough. How could he have known that after serving less than two years as an honest magistrate, he would spend eight months in a dark prison?

V

Under Kuomintang rule, officials took bribes and broke the law, exploiting people layer by layer until villagers could bear no more and rose in rebellion.

Around 1948, people’s guerrilla forces sprang up everywhere. Because Ma sympathized with them, his superiors accused him of “ineffective bandit suppression,” removed him, and imprisoned him. From prison, he persuaded the commander of the county defense force to make contact with the Third Detachment of the Yunnan Border Self-Defense Army and secretly guide them across the Lancang River, locally called the Jiulong River. Cheli was peacefully liberated.

After the guerrillas took Cheli, Ma regained his freedom and became head of civil affairs in the detachment. A month later, a party representative arrived. The detachment commander, Lu Wencong, was put under investigation, and Ma was also thrown into prison and fitted with wooden shackles. Later the guerrillas withdrew—or perhaps corrected the error—and Ma spent only two months in the guerrilla prison.

That July, hearing that Beijing had been liberated, Ma planned to return home by way of Thailand. But when he reached Tachileik in Burma, Thailand was in the midst of an anti-Chinese campaign. He therefore had to remain in Tachileik and teach at the Chinese school there.

By May of the following year, with help from Yunnanese friends, Ma finally reached Rangoon. He and his family lived on the second floor of the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Native Place Association on Hundred-Foot Road, with shops below. New to Rangoon, knowing few people, and with a family of six and no work, Ma became depressed. One day after a couple of drinks, he went downstairs and somehow quarreled with a customer. Perhaps language differences caused the misunderstanding to escalate. Someone called the police, and Ma was taken to the station. His wife found Chen Xiaoqi, who learned what had happened and bailed him out. This was Ma’s third time in prison.

Although his life had been full of reversals, after those three imprisonments things finally began to change. On Xiaoqi Xian’s recommendation, he taught first at Wanhua Chinese-English School and later at Overseas Chinese Middle School.

Teaching was Ma Weizhong’s passion and the lifelong expression of his dream of “saving the nation through education.” In an overseas community desperately short of Chinese teachers, an educated intellectual like Ma was rare and valuable.

In the past, he had tried to put his ideals into practice through social reform and failed. Now, in a foreign land with relatively greater freedom, surrounded by democratic and progressive people who supported and trusted him, and by students who liked and respected him, Ma was like a fish returned to water. He opened himself fully and put his educational abilities to use. In his first years, he served as director of academic affairs and then director of instruction at Overseas Chinese Middle School. In 1955, he became chairman of the school affairs committee.

In 1951, through the introduction of Zhou Caishu, Chen Baiya, and others, he joined the China Democratic League.

During his seven years at Overseas Chinese Middle School, from July 1950 to June 1957, his achievements were striking. The highest institution of Burmese Chinese education grew from thatched buildings into Western-style school structures; enrollment rose from just over two hundred to more than a thousand. Truly, spring winds and transforming rain spread learning everywhere.

On the eve of China’s National Day in 1956, Ma prepared to return to China for a visit. While processing his re-entry documents, he was harassed by the immigration authorities and ordered expelled. After losing his legal challenge, he took his entire family back to China in May 1957. His departure was a serious loss to Burmese Chinese education. Principal Li Guohua, Xiao Weimei, and other colleagues wrote to him:

“Through your many years of assistance and planning, Overseas Chinese Middle School made great strides. In every respect it displayed a vigorous and flourishing spirit, advancing continuously and giving society an excellent impression. All this was of course the result of the joint effort of the entire faculty and student body, but your quiet hard work and exhausting devotion made the greatest contribution. This achievement was plain for all to see and widely spoken of.”

VI

Ma Weizhong had deep literary cultivation and strong writing ability. In Kunming, he had edited education supplements for three newspapers and periodicals. During his years in Rangoon, he was a contributing writer for New Rangoon Daily, Life Weekly, and China Daily, and an editor of a People’s Daily supplement.

He used pen names including Qin Yi, Zhechao, and Chuge, and wrote hundreds of pieces. But because his life was turbulent and repeatedly disrupted, many works were lost in Kunming and Huzhou. According to what his children later collected and organized, only a little over fifty pieces have been found.

His writings took many forms: essays on education, prose, miscellaneous essays, poetry, and classical verse. By subject, they can roughly be divided as follows.

Educational theory was his specialty. He wrote “The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China as an Encouragement to Burmese Chinese Cultural and Educational Workers,” “Looking Toward Science and Education on National Day,” “The May Fourth Movement and Education,” and “Educational Thought of the Practical School in the Qing Dynasty.” Drawing on teaching practice, he identified problems and wrote such pieces as “The ‘Three Goods’ Movement Among Teachers and Students at Overseas Chinese Middle School,” “What Should Be Noted in Punishment?,” “Punishment and the Democratic Spirit,” and “Causes and Prevention of Student Truancy.”

He also proposed teaching methods to help young teachers: “How to Be a Homeroom Teacher,” “How to Arouse Students’ Interest and Attention,” “How I Tutor Chinese,” “How Primary-School Chinese Should Be Taught,” and others.

For Burmese Chinese education, he offered many valuable suggestions, including “On Strengthening the Organization of the Burmese Chinese Teachers’ Federation,” “What Is the Central Problem of Burmese Chinese Central Schools?,” and “Work to Establish a Systematic Continuing-Education System for Burmese Chinese Teachers.”

These educational theories, teaching experiences, and methods were highly suitable, badly needed, and genuinely useful in a Burmese Chinese educational world short of trained teachers. They had lasting influence in carrying forward Chinese culture and educating the children of overseas Chinese.

From childhood he loved Sun Yat-sen, enjoyed Lu Xun’s work, revered the educator Tao Xingzhi, and admired the noble character of the poet Qu Yuan. He therefore wrote pieces including “Sun Yat-sen and the Chinese Communist Party,” “Sun Yat-sen’s ‘Land to the Tiller,’” “Our Beloved Fighter for Peace—Soong Ching-ling,” “The Development of Lu Xun’s Thought as Seen in ‘Forging the Swords’ and ‘Controlling the Flood,’” “The May Fourth Movement and Lu Xun,” “How Lu Xun Taught,” “People’s Educator Tao Xingzhi,” “Remembering Tao Xingzhi,” and “Remembering Wen Yiduo.”

Through these portraits and commentaries, Ma released his “hatred” of the old society and his “love” for the new one, while also revealing the transformation of his own worldview.

He also wrote travel notes and observations, including “A Thousand-Li Journey Through Southern Yunnan,” “Things Seen and Heard in Simao-Pu’er,” “Notes from the Northern Burma Frontier,” and “Kuomintang Remnant Bandits Entrenched in Northern Burma.” These pieces sharply exposed the corruption and darkness of Kuomintang rule and how corrupt officials ran rampant and squeezed the people. His writing struck directly at the point, frightening reactionaries. His literary friends therefore praised him as wielding “a giant brush that stirs wind and thunder.”

He wrote pieces praising Sino-Burmese cultural exchange as well, such as “Performance by the Burmese Ministry of Culture Troupe,” “Overseas Chinese Middle School Sports Meet,” and “Chinese Arts and Crafts Exhibition.” After performances of the play Qu Yuan, the Fujian opera The Refined Seal, and The Butterfly Lovers, he wrote impressions, notes, and behind-the-scenes pieces.

He also produced many studies of the history, politics, marriage customs, legends, and other aspects of ethnic minorities along China’s borders: “Historical Legends, Politics, Marriage System, and Wedding Customs of the Baiyi,” “Funerals of the Dai Le Brother People—Their Belief in the Confucius Temple,” “The Kawa Who Sacrifice Human Heads to the Grain,” “The Troops Left Behind by Zhuge Liang,” “Fragments of British Imperialist Activity Among the Kawa,” “Long Yun Sends Troops to Suppress Minority Peoples,” and others.

Not much of Ma’s poetry was published. I suppose he was too busy teaching and writing essays to spend much time composing verse. But from the memorial text he drafted on behalf of the teachers and students of Overseas Chinese Middle School—see the appendix—we can see his command of classical poetic language.

On June 6, 1951, the patriotic Burmese Chinese leader Zeng Shunxu was assassinated by reactionary forces. Ma wrote a memorial in parallel prose, a form that emphasizes antithesis, tonal harmony, and ornate diction. Few in Burmese Chinese society could write it. Parallel prose is difficult even to read, much less compose. His literary friends therefore praised him as “a brilliant brush acclaimed year after year in the southern land.” When he “returned to the motherland, returned to his homeland,” everyone found it hard to part with him and wrote many poems of farewell and remembrance.

After returning to China, Ma worked at Huzhou Normal School in Zhejiang. During the Socialist Education Movement, however, he came under suspicion and investigation. “Since no one understands me, why should I still cherish the old capital?” In June 1965, he followed the path of the ancient poet Qu Yuan, whom he had revered throughout his life. All who heard of it grieved.

Appendix

Memorial Address for Mr. Zeng Shunxu, Drafted on Behalf of the Teachers and Students of Overseas Chinese Middle School

On June 9, 1951, the fourth day after Mr. Zeng’s martyrdom, all teachers and students of the Burma Overseas Chinese Middle School respectfully offer clear wine and seasonal foods before the spirit of our chairman, Zeng Shunxu, and say:

Alas! Mr. Zeng: from youth you knew self-discipline and early showed uncommon talent. In mature years you devoted yourself to commerce, astonishing all with your foresight. You possessed the resourcefulness of Zhu Gong and the learning of the Wang family’s blue chest. Democracy filled your heart; though your footsteps were among marketplaces, you were never vulgar. Patriotism was your moral character; though your ambition lay in commerce, you loved benevolence. Thus, in promoting education you gave with sincerity, and the young all received the benefit of your virtue; in conducting business you upheld righteousness, and near and far all relied upon your connections. We expected your great undertakings to renew themselves day by day, opening sources of wealth overseas; in patriotism and democracy, you stood as a model for the Burmese Chinese. Yet because you always spoke boldly for justice, you incurred the hatred of bandit agents. On June 6, 1951, you were cruelly shot on your way home. The bullets struck vital places and you died gloriously. Your name shines in the history of the overseas Chinese, your righteousness weighs heavily in the human world.

Alas! Who has no wife and children? Who has no sons and daughters? A frail wife weeps through the night; who will care for the orphaned children? The murderer remains uncaught, sorrow and grievance cannot be redressed. How can this not be grief? How can this not be pain?

Our Mr. Zeng was a hero of the Burmese Chinese. A martyr in aspiration, he rendered service in a foreign land. Struck down by treachery, he gave his life in loyalty to the nation. You rescued people lost on the road and helped overseas Chinese education flourish. In death you fulfilled righteousness; in life you rendered service. Your honored name spreads through the universe; history will preserve your fragrance without end. A patriotic overseas Chinese leader possessing such a martyr’s spirit proves that democracy must triumph. The Chiang clique’s secret agents, using such gangster methods, prove only that their tricks are exhausted.

Now all teachers and students of the Burma Overseas Chinese Middle School remember your loyalty and righteousness and honor the example you set. As the time of burial approaches, we respectfully offer sacrifice to your loyal spirit. We swear to fulfill your great aspiration, so that beneath the springs you may rest in peace. Your heroic spirit is not far away; you will surely hear the news with which we come to comfort you. May your soul return to your ancestral homeland and receive the rites of the motherland. Though your loyal remains stay in a foreign land, a gravestone shall be raised before your grave, so overseas Chinese may come to pay respects and never forget your virtue. Today all teachers and students bow together, offering these modest rites to express our sincere reverence. Heroic spirit before us, come and receive our offering. Alas! Grief! We respectfully present this sacrifice.

All teachers and students of the Burma Rangoon Overseas Chinese Middle School, respectfully offering sacrifice together.

Originally published in Burma’s New Rangoon Daily, June 13, 1951.

Note: Mr. Zeng Shunxu, a leader of the overseas Chinese in Burma, had always been enthusiastic about public affairs. He served as chairman of the Burma Xing-Shang General Association, vice chairman of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, and chairman of Zhongzheng Middle School. In early 1950, he was elected chairman of the board of Rangoon Overseas Chinese Middle School. At the beginning of New China, he strongly advocated the adoption of the new democratic, revolutionary textbooks published in China and the abandonment of old editions. At that time, struggle between new and old forces in Burmese Chinese society was intense. The dispute over textbooks split Zhongzheng Middle School in two; two-thirds of the students voluntarily chose the new textbooks and held classes separately. Mr. Zeng stood at the front of that struggle and was therefore murdered by agents of the Chiang clique. The teachers and students of Overseas Chinese Middle School, tears in their eyes, joined patriotic Burmese Chinese in holding a solemn funeral for the martyr Zeng Shunxu. This was the memorial address read at the ceremony.

The memorial’s language is compressed and sparing. The opening section, beginning “from youth you knew self-discipline,” uses barely a hundred Chinese characters to present Mr. Zeng’s character, philosophy of conduct, and political position. The middle section, “Who has no wife and children,” in thirty-two characters fully reveals the family’s grief. Then the eighty-seven-character section beginning “Our Mr. Zeng” sends the indignation of the overseas Chinese surging onto the page. Through concentrated language, the memorial expresses the feelings of those offering sacrifice. The reader’s voice and emotion could shake the soul; listeners were brokenhearted and wept freely.

This memorial was drafted by Ma Weizhong, then director of academic affairs at Rangoon Overseas Chinese Middle School, and appeared in New Rangoon Daily on June 13, 1951. The newspaper clipping has been lost, and only a photocopy of the manuscript survives. The title was added by Baopuzi. For ease of reading, uncommon and difficult expressions in the original were annotated:

1. Maqian: to conduct business. 2. Zhu Gong: Fan Li of the state of Yue, famous for commerce and known as Tao Zhu Gong. 3. “Blue chest”: according to the History of the Southern Dynasties, Wang Biaozhi was widely learned and stored his writings in a blue chest; later generations used “the Wang family’s blue chest” to mean profound learning. 4. Shichan: marketplace.

Parallel prose requires balanced and antithetical phrases, with attention to harmony of sound and ornate diction. It flourished during the Six Dynasties and declined in the Tang. Because its form could become restrictive and lead to empty ornament, later generations often criticized it. Fine examples were therefore rare in modern times and even rarer in Burmese Chinese society. This memorial uses parallel prose with four-four, four-six, four-seven, and five-seven paired phrases, varying the patterns so that the language does not become monotonous. Most remarkable is that a thirty-four-character long couplet is embedded so naturally that it is difficult to detect. These forms create movement and variation while maintaining regular rhythm and a harmony suited to recitation.

In content, the memorial begins by praising the martyr’s character, then moves to the crimes of the agents and the hatred of the overseas Chinese. After grief and anger comes the pledge to “fulfill his great aspiration and honor the example he set”—that is, the young teachers and students resolve to turn grief into strength and one day bring news of victory before his spirit. The memorial skillfully joins thought and art. In a little over five hundred Chinese characters, it combines ancient parallel prose with living reality. It can serve both as an example of patriotism and as local material for the study of Chinese in Burma.